In a year when political institutions around the world were tested and pushed to their limits, understanding institutions and institutional features has become more important than ever. The rise of populism, increasing economic inequality, and the emergence ofracial and other protestsin the U.S. andglobally—allagainstthe backdrop of adeadlypandemic—have prompted a reexamining of political institutions and a realization thattheydo not protect and serve everyone equally.
The new version of theDatabase of Political Institutions (DPI), which codes, or measures, institutional and electoral variables for 180 countries and is housed at the IDB,is being releasedpreciselyat this critical juncture whena vigorous government response is needed in Latin American and Caribbeancountries, as well as elsewhere. It arrives as thehealth and economic crisisputs into relief stark inequalities alongracial, ethnic, and gender lines, and the need for reforms to guarantee inclusive growth in the recovery.
New Variables forPolitical Institutions
Like previous versions, the latest version of the DPIilluminates broad institutional trends since 1975with more than 100 variables.But italsoadds comparative data from the last three years on electoral results, legislative,cabinetand political ideology,corrects coding errors from the 2017 version, and includesnew variables,such as gender quotas for women in political positions and term limitsfor the chief executive.All this informationhelpsto illustrate the strengths and weaknesses of different systems, their divisions of power, and theirlevels of inclusiveness. They tell uswhysome systems are more effective than others in pushing through vital policiesand potentiallywhereimprovementsmightbe made.
Recent versions of the DPIhave illustratedpositive trendsin the strengthening and growing maturity of Latin American democracies, with greater electoral competitivenessin legislative and executive elections and a diminishing tendency for single parties, backed by repressive force or fraud, to monopolize control. Theyhaverevealedanever greaterpoliticalopenness,manifested througha greaterdiversityofinstitutionalizedparties with distinct ideologies and platforms.Theyhaveshownthe region, with some exceptions, transforming into one ofthe most electorally competitive—and democratic—in the developing world.
But they alsoshow hownon-programmatic partieshave proliferated since the 1990s. These parties,built around charismatic and populist leaders, rather thanideas and ideologies, are often short-lived, and their growing importancerepresents a threat to the implementation and sustainability ofpublicly-mindedpolicies.
The Problem of Political Polarization
There isan additional wrinkle tothis picture: thehigh levels ofpolitical polarization in countries like Argentina, Brazil,and Mexico.As will be discussed in an upcoming blog, this polarization,defined as the ideological distance between the executive and legislature, has been rising since 2014 andmakes it harder to achieve the consensus needed to respond to theCOVID-19 crisisand implement essential reforms, including those promoting greater equality.Unfortunately, thesedifficulties mayonly increasein countries facing elections, aselectoral pressurestend to stiffen backs and hindercompromise.
Strengths and Limitationsof the New Database
The DPIshows us these things by castinglight on political and electoral systems, checks and balances, the power of provinces,ideologies,and a host of other factors relevant togovernment capacity. Butit has natural limitations. While it measures and categorizes, its variables and coding rules have little to say abouthow fair or equitable political institutions are, or if systemic racism is built into political institutions. At the same time, it serves as starting pointthat has been used in thousands of studies. We applaud those scholars who are doing the important work of using datasets,such as the DPI,to explore these important questions.
Latin Americaisat adecisive moment.After two years marked by economic stagnation, massive demonstrations overinequality and other societalfailures,andthe explodinghealth and economic crisis ofCOVID-19, the region needspublicly-interested, stable,and flexible policymaking more thanever. It needs good government and more inclusive growth.The DPI, one of the most cited databases in comparative political economy and comparative political institutions,can help. Itcasts astrongand penetratinglightonthenatureof our different systems. We hope it will lead to deeper study and perhaps deeper reforms in a region facing some of its historically greatestchallenges.