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"reconstruction must not be at the expense of transformation" Civil Society:
Executive Summary
After the impact of Hurricane Mitch in Central America, the governments and their peoples are orienting their efforts not only towards reconstructing their nations but to transforming the region. This document focuses on the role of the participation of civil socity, which is critical both for reducing vulnerability in the face of natural adversity, and for responding to the social, economic and political challenges posed by the transformation. Central America has important experience in political participation, particularly since the 1980s, upon the end of armed conflicts and in the processes of transition toward democratic societies. However, there are still deficits to be resolved: (a) at the social level, poverty and exclusion; (b) at the institutional level, which raises the cost of transactions and affects economic performance; (c) at the level of the political culture. The democratic challenge demands broadening participation to stimulate changes in these three domains. One requirement is a citizenry informed about government actions, according to the principles of transparency and accountability, which are guarantees in the face of possible discretionary and arbitrary actions by officials. Citizen participation contributes to good governance not just from the perspective of legitimacy, but also in terms of the efficacy of public policies and the efficient use of resources. The processes of the last few years have seen new actors emerge in the region, organizations of society which have been defining their identities and vision of a new Central America. Some of these movements are renovated forms involving historical actors. But there are also new actors which address emerging themes of cultural identity, social integration, gender or environment. All of these organizations have gained momentum after Mitch. This paper includes some of the lessons learned from these recent experiences of participation, their limitations and possibilities. Based on the analysis, some recommendations are made for future action: (a) priority support to the participation of civil society organizations in development policies at the regional, national and local levels; (b) technical assistance for these organizations; (c) timely and transparent information on development policies and their implementation; (d) participation of civil society in the regional integration process; and (e) participation of civil society in the Consultative Group's follow-up mechanisms. I. Introduction After the devastating impact of Hurricane Mitch in Central America, the governments of the region -- especially in the countries most heavily affected -- decided to direct their efforts not just toward the reconstruction of their nations, but rather toward their transformation. This is due to several reasons. First, these societies have been experiencing important processes of economic, political and social change over the last few years, after several decades of stagnation due to civil conflicts and war. The aspiration to new levels of development was part of Central America's dynamic when the hurricane occurred, and its dramatic impact, far from putting an end to these aspirations, actually strengthened them. Second, the hurricane made Central Americans painfully aware of their countries' social and environmental vulnerability, and of their weakness in responding to natural disasters. Therefore, they realized the need to build less vulnerable nations knowing that, in many cases, this requires changing the course of the development under way prior to the hurricane. Third, Central Americans have learned to perceive opportunity behind the crisis. The negotiated end to internal wars, and the subsequent processes of national reconciliation made it clear that there are considerable latent resources in each of these societies, which could be made use of in peacetime. Furthermore, the emergence of new civil society organizations and of a new framework of relationships with the international community opened up a wide range of possibilities for future interaction. After the hurricane, the reaction from civil society organizations and the international cooperation community again brought these possibilities into light. This presentation focuses on the need to strengthen social participation in order to ensure effectiveness in the process of transforming Central America. Participation requires institutional and political legitimacy in order to be effective. Therefore, the challenges resulting from Hurricane Mitch demand the continuation and intensification of the efforts to build a democratic culture and democratic institutions in Central America. Otherwise, it will not be possible to permanently reduce the region's vulnerability in the face of natural adversity, nor to meet the social, economic and political challenges inherited from the past. Central Americans understand that the current social emergency opens up possibilities to revise and redesign traditional forms of political and social action. The need to join forces for reconstruction and transformation can be fulfilled only by expanding spaces for participation. II. Negotiated Democracies Central America has significant experiences in political participation. The countries of the region have gone through an intense process of collective learning since the early '80s, both through the people's struggle against authoritarianism, and through a large number of electoral processes which facilitated the transition to democracy. Armed conflicts in Guatemala and El Salvador were brought to an end through processes of negotiation, which are excellent experiences of conflict resolution by peaceful means. Both processes benefitted from the support of the United Nations System. For its part, Honduras has developed an important experience of dialogue and concerted action involving labor sectors and political organizations. The Nicaraguan transition is also an excellent example of the ending of a civil war by means of electoral participation. Panama is regaining the control of important extensions of its territorial sovereignty thanks to an exemplary process of negotiation among the various social actors involved. Costa Rica is trying to revitalize its political system by encouraging dialogue between civil and political sectors in a national consensus-building process. In contrast with other experiences of transition toward democracy, the Central American practice can be defined as the establishment of negotiated democracies, with broad social participation in the process. The development of democracy has even changed the armed forces. The reduction of military forces and their effective control by civilian governments is of great relevance in the region. This shows a difference between the Central American democracies and the "conditioned" democracies which Latin American countries have experienced in the past. Citizen participation in social movements and electoral processes have reduced the power of old actors who were predominant in the past, and has facilitated the establishment of democracies based on peaceful conflict resolution and decision-making. III. The Challenge of Building Democracy The Central American countries have invested considerable efforts in building their democracies. However, these efforts have not satisfied a population which suffers from historically accumulated deficits yet to be resolved, and which the disaster unleashed by Hurricane Mitch only exacerbated. Among others, these are the social deficit, the institutional deficit and the deficit of political culture. Central America presented serious challenges even before Hurricane Mitch, as shown in the following figures: in the area of education, 30% of adults do not know how to read and write, and the average level of schooling is less than 5 years; in the area of health, 40% do not have access to drinkable water; 60 out of 1000 children die before the age of 5 and 3 out of every 10 people do not have access to health services; 70% of families are poor and disparities in income are ever greater, as shown by the fact that the richest 20% receives 60 times the income of the poorest 20%. Efforts to transform the region starting with reconstruction cannot ignore the need to attack all forms of exclusion. To this end, the actions to be undertaken must expand the people's opportunities to obtain sustainable sources of income and employment, as well as access to quality social services, such as health care, education and social security. It is imperative to invest in the development of people's capacities in order that the Central Americans are protagonists in the process of transformation. In addition to these social challenges, Central America faces fragmented institutional systems, excessive centralization, unclear division of powers and a justice system, which is still weak and in some cases unreliable. This institutional weakness makes production and economic exchange difficult, increases transaction costs, and makes political participation and social integration difficult. In this situation, the State shows itself incapable of regulating competitive markets with free access and without patrimonialist interference in its decisions. Finally, a weak institutional system hampers the emergence of leaders needed to envision the future and achieve the consensus necessary for major changes. In this context, there is a need for policies oriented not just toward reducing bureaucracy, but also toward building legislative and judicial powers which can provide the population with juridical security, in the context of a State which serves the general interest and is able to promote the participation of all. "New institutions must be developed, new rules of the game; we need this new institutions for economic efficiency and this new institutions must be coordinated with the building of democracy." 3. Deficit of Political Culture In Central America there is a long tradition of verticalism in decision-making and in the management of public affairs, which has not been completely eradicated by the recent democratic exercise. Moreover, in these highly stratified societies there is a tendency to concentrate information on topics of public interest among a few actors, in the public as well as the private sectors. These factors undermine transparency, and therefore make accountability processes difficult. Therefore, the promotion of a cultural dynamic oriented toward stimulating a culture of responsibility and banishing secretism and verticalism, must also be an important part of the strategy. Without educational actions directed toward modifying values, we cannot think of developing a culture of participation, transparency and accountability. Another priority issue is that of decentralization and breaking down the concentration of power, towards its controlled and balanced redistribution. A participatory society is the main guarantee of an effective and legitimate democracy. IV. Demands of the Democractic Challenge Sustainable human development cannot be reduced to economic growth or the resolution of emergency situations through humanitarian assistance and reconstruction. The concern for human development is based on sustainability of the effort and citizen participation that makes initiatives more dynamic, as has been proven. Representative democracy cannot be limited to electoral democracy; it demands the creation of channels of communication between citizens and their representatives in the periods between elections. At the same time, participatory democracy cannot be reduced to street protests, or to plebiscites on special occasions, but rather also implies deliberative democracy, rational and well-informed debate on public affairs. Representative democracy is based on the principle that representatives must answer to the mandate which citizens have given them. This covers the entire range of public policies, both in the phase of elaboration and in their implementation. Citizen participation is essential because nobody knows better the needs than those who are nearer to them. Citizens must participate in setting priorities for the agenda, in the design and distribution of aid, and in the evaluation of achievements. If the priorities on the agenda for development are set in a participatory fashion and mechanisms for transparency and accountability are created, then there is authentic participation. The participation of civic groups and recognized social actors in the processes of setting priorities for agendas, as well as in designing, implementing and evaluating development projects, results in effectiveness and legitimacy. This allows for a balance between the need for flexibility, which a crisis of this kind demands, and requirements inherent in the monitoring and proper use of cooperation based on criteria of integrity and honesty. As the World Bank has indicated:
Citizen participation contributes to good governance not just from the perspective of legitimacy, but also in terms of the effectiveness of public policies and the efficient use of resources. Citizen participation is based on the principle of an active citizenry, which in addition to what has been mentioned above demands accountability from its elected representatives, who periodically report on their actions and maintain transparent mechanisms to facilitate this exercise. For the purpose of this paper, accountability is understood as all those efforts directed toward establishing a close and objective relationship between the explicit intentions of public officials and their actions or services on the public's behalf, as well as the efficient and effective use of public resources. Accountability is one of the characteristics of the democratic process, both in regard to the macro-institutional level, as well as in relation to the experience of democratic mechanisms on the micro level. One of the objectives sought by international cooperation is the legitimacy granted to political systems by mechanisms of accountability. Legitimacy is one of the essential elements for achieving good governance. Finally, we must insist that accountability must be central to reconstruction and transformation, not just for ethical reasons and for political legitimacy, but also for reasons of efficacy. Answering for our acts and actions enables all of us to demand the same conduct from others, which indirectly establishes a system of general supervision that makes it easier to monitor achievements and the appropriate use of funds. Transparency is another principle that must govern the efforts toward transformation. By this we understand the high visibility of programs and the availability of information to the public. Without transparency and adequate information it is not possible to exercise the duties of accountability. Transparency is a guarantee that we can know who did what, when and why, which allows us to determine political, legal and administrative responsibilities. The development of the principle of public access, understood as visibility, must be implemented by making available to the public as much information as possible on the amounts of and mechanisms for implementing international cooperation, as well as the budgets, objectives, grants and norms which regulate their transfer. Transparency and accountability are also guarantees in the face of discretionary and arbitrary actions by officials. They guarantee that cooperation arrives properly at its final destination and that the funds are used efficiently. The efforts to introduce more refined mechanisms for accountability and transparency, on the occasion of aid for the emergency, must also include the possibility of replicating these mechanisms in the future and of incorporating them within a general structure for public administration in the countries of the region. There is a shared responsibility among governments, civil society and international cooperation agencies to ensure that economic, social, political and environmental actions have a structural impact which translate into greater opportunities and capacities for Central Americans. The approach must be comprehensive and long lasting. In this sense, joint action by government, civil society and cooperation agencies must be oriented toward reducing the vulnerability of the most disadvantaged human groups, in keeping with the principles of social integration and equity. Projects approved must be inscribed within the general framework of the struggle against poverty in the region. In keeping with the principles advocated by OECD/DAC, foreign cooperation must respond to the region's priorities, that is, it must be demand-driven and, to the extent possible, facilitate the mobilization of other local, national and regional resources. Public policies include those financed with local funds as well as those supported by international cooperation resources. Accordingly, regionally organized participation of civil society in choosing national and regional priorities, and in monitoring, evaluation and supervision of international cooperation, is one of the dimensions of citizen participation. An adequate coordination of civil society organizations, governments and cooperation agencies is important for the effective use of cooperation and for its positive results, beyond current immediate needs. Programs and projects must be used as schools of sustainable human development to modify institutional cultures and social practices toward models entailing greater responsibility in the exercise of power. Democracy and its principles are not merely abstract models. Real democracy is built through daily practice. Even more than a philosophical system, democracy is also a result of socio-historical experiences, a model of life. In order to be real, participation, accountability and transparency must be translated into concrete mechanisms, which make democracy something more than a promise. At the crossroads currently faced by the Central American region, these principles must be made into general guidelines and specific mechanisms. V. New Social Values The new social actors, the "other multiple voices" that have historically been marginalized from Central American society, finally emerged to express themselves during the course of the past 15 years. The new social actors affirmed that answers to long-standing problems of all kinds could be found within Central American societies themselves. They asserted their potential to influence the future of the region with their productive and organizational capacity and their growing ability to propose strategic solutions. Their intention is to move civil society from social divisions to social integration, from co-optation to autonomy, and from social protest to democracy and development. It took a decade of regional wars before this change could happen. New social sectors began to emerge, defining their identities and their visions of a new Central America. For the first time old and new movements began to meet among themselves, within their own independent processes and frameworks. This new development was a historical landmark. It marked an end to decades of separation between fundamental sectors of Central American society. Interaction between these sectors has since been characterized by meetings to get to know one another, exchange experiences, build basic trust, gather information about national and regional realities, and generate proposals to influence politics. This joining of efforts continues to characterize and determine the work of these movements. Their first priority is to close the wide historic and ideological gap between them in order to continue building proposals and gradually establish their social, cultural, economic and political presence. Some emerging social movements in Central America are renewed forms of sectors with an organizational tradition. This is the case of private sector, cooperatives, labor unions, peasants, small business and human rights organizations, as well as local organizations in communities and municipalities. But there are also new social actors and new kinds of causes: the defense of cultural identity and integration into nation-states (Afro-Caribbean and indigenous populations), access to equity and participation in political decisions (women's movements); participation in local management and sustainable use of biodiversity (peasant communities, Afro-Caribbean and indigenous communities and environmental organizations) or the struggle for a better standard of living in urban communities (neighborhood movements). These new social actors are now included in the popular sectors of Central American civil society. They are undergoing incipient organizational processes that are generally still fragile and still heavily influenced by external entities. Most are weak in terms of institutional management and the capacity to make proposals. The new social actors' distrust of governments and political parties is obvious and measurable. In spite of this, they have participated actively in the regional and national dialogue processes. At this point it is important to mention the Consultative Committee of the Central American Integration System (SICA), which represents regional civil society networks and gives them the opportunity to interact with national governments through the SICA General Secretariat. Although it is still weak, the Consultative Committee has no equivalent in any other regional integration model, and it shows the official recognition of civil society as a fundamental actor in regional development. After Hurricane Mitch, the popular, national and regional organizations have gathered strength. Since the disaster, an enormous force emerged in civil society. At the regional level, the Central American Coordination of the Countryside (CCC), made up of peasants, women, indigenous peoples, agroforestry companies, black communities and banana workers -- a total of eleven networks - makes these voices heard with proposals for the agenda and in-depth discussions of reconstruction projects. In each country, national committees are being established or strengthened. In Honduras, INTERFOROS was established, made up of twelve networks. In El Salvador, the National Council on Sustainable Development works actively and a coordinating body - a network of networks - of grass roots organizations is also being established. Meanwhile, in Nicaragua the Coordinating Committee for Reconstruction and Transformation is working solidly. Renewed voices for the transformation of Central America are being heard. The experiences of the last few years have shown:
VI. Conclusions: A Viable Future for Central America The Central American nations have experienced transformations of great importance over the last few years. Torn apart by decades of military and civil conflict, nonetheless they managed to attain peace by means of negotiation and reconciliation processes. Numerous actors participated in these processes, including governments, the armed forces, revolutionary movements and civil society organizations. The latter made significant contributions with a constructive vision, which has endowed them with particular legitimacy in the region. Hurricane Mitch hit Central America at a moment when economic reconstruction and democratic development were still incipient. However, far from putting a halt to these processes, the hurricane acted as a stimulus to continue those processes. Central Americans do not speak simply of reconstruction, but rather of transforming their societies. For them, it is necessary to rely on the experience and the resources that produced positive results in the peace process, including the participation of a wide range of social sectors. Participation is also key to ensuring transparency and accountability in the work of reconstruction and transformation, which in due course will have a positive effect on the efficiency and effectiveness of these processes. At the same time, participation contributes to strengthening democratic culture. And subsequently, to promote the sustainability of human development. The challenges that lie ahead are many, but the innovative ways in which Central Americans have faced the challenge of peace and the struggle to achieve sustainable human development are encouraging. The region's environmental and social vulnerability, laid bare by Hurricane Mitch, brings it once again to a crossroads. Either the region decides to rebuild on weakened foundations, or to transform the region. A genuine participation process demands broadening democratic mechanisms within social movements, ensuring women's participation in decision-making processes as well as the implementation phases, and incorporating new sectors at the regional, national and local levels. It is also necessary to create specific mechanisms to facilitate participation. Such mechanisms will enable transparency and accountability, and will contribute to reach the goal of transforming the region. In light of these considerations, it is necessary to:
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Nicaragua, May 2000 - Honduras, February 2000 - Stockholm, May 1999
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